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Before 1998, journalists in Indonesia walked a tightrope stretched between a western ideological system that valued a free press and a system of rigid government controls. To maintain their balance, reporters and editors used strategies that were uniquely Indonesian to maintain a journalistic frame that was essentially western. This article examines those strategies in the context of the values and beliefs of print newspeople in the capital of Jakarta, focusing on news coverage of the political crises of 1997 and 1998 that culminated in the resignation of President Suharto and that unleashed a relatively free press. It contends that the contradictions and resultant conflicts between the government and newspeople in Jakarta represented a contest between western and Indonesian notions of the purposes and duties of the press. Copyright © 2000 SAGE Publications.

Like other expressions of Christian conservatism, the Promise Keepers (PK) often enact complex and strained relationships between social change and social persistence. These strains are evident in the official PK literature, which employs techniques not unlike those used by mainstream pop psychology. These include the use of “scientific”-like classifications of information, authors presented as “experts” on the topic at hand, and the use of exercises to be enacted individually or in small PK discussion groups. Collectively, these strategies suggest that conservative Christians deal with many of the same complex role demands as non-conservatives. In Particular, the PK stance on gender roles, though Promoted as unambiguously “traditional” in favoring male leadership and female submission, in actuality often reflects acknowledgment and perhaps acceptance of some of the more egalitarian changes in gender role norms. Sociological implications and directions for future research are discussed.

Information on the number of carnivore taxa that were involved with archaeological bone assemblages is pertinent to questions of site formation, hominid and carnivore competition for carcasses and the sequence of hominid and carnivore activity at sites. A majority of early archaeological bone assemblages bear evidence that both hominids and carnivores removed flesh and/or marrow from the bones. Whether flesh specialists (felids) or bone-crunchers (hyaenas), or both, fed upon the carcasses is crucial for deciphering the timing of hominid involvement with the assemblages. Here we present an initial attempt to differentiate the tooth mark signature inflicted on bones by a single carnivore species versus multiple carnivore taxa. Quantitative data on carnivore tooth pits, those resembling a tooth crown or a cusp, are presented for two characteristics: the area of the marks in millimetres, and the shape as determined by the ratio of the major axis to the minor axis of the mark. Tooth pits from bones modified by extant East African carnivores and latex impressions of tooth pits from extinct carnivore species are compared to those in the FLK Zinjanthropus bone assemblage. Data on tooth mark shape indicate greater variability in the Zinj sample than is exhibited by any individual extant or extinct carnivore species in the comparative sample. Data on tooth mark area demonstrate that bone density is related to the size of marks. Taken together, these data support the inference that felids defleshed bones in the Zinj assemblage and that hyaenas had final access to any grease or tissues that remained. © 2001 Academic Press.

This article consists of an initial theoretical attempt to describe “interests” as widespread social phenomena which emerge specifically from discursive interaction. I focus on the way in which the indexical signaling of discourse participation roles and public/private standings provide key conditions of possibility for the emergence of interests in interactional real time. The case at hand involves the German welfare state, a social institution which is constituted both on the local level of my fieldsite (a working-class suburb of the former East Berlin) and on the national level (through the popular media and through the circulation of laws, policy documents and the like). [Germany, welfare state, interests, indexical orders, institutionality].

Porosities in the outer table of the cranial vault (porotic hyperostosis) and orbital roof (cribra orbitalia) are among the most frequent pathological lesions seen in ancient human skeletal collections. Since the 1950s, chronic iron-deficiency anemia has been widely accepted as the probable cause of both conditions. Based on this proposed etiology, bioarchaeologists use the prevalence of these conditions to infer living conditions conducive to dietary iron deficiency, iron malabsorption, and iron loss from both diarrheal disease and intestinal parasites in earlier human populations. This iron-deficiency-anemia hypothesis is inconsistent with recent hematological research that shows iron deficiency per se cannot sustain the massive red blood cell production that causes the marrow expansion responsible for these lesions. Several lines of evidence suggest that the accelerated loss and compensatory overproduction of red blood cells seen in hemolytic and megaloblastic anemias is the most likely proximate cause of porotic hyperostosis. Although cranial vault and orbital roof porosities are sometimes conflated under the term porotic hyperostosis, paleopathological and clinical evidence suggests they often have different etiologies. Reconsidering the etiology of these skeletal conditions has important implications for current interpretations of malnutrition and infectious disease in earlier human populations. Am J Phys Anthropol 139:109-125, 2009. (C) 2009 Wiley-Liss, Inc.

Before 2.6 million years ago (Ma), no archaeological record has been securely documented, and therefore there is no evidence of hominin tool use. Then, at 2.6–2.58 Ma, there is widespread evidence for tool manufacture and use at several archaeological sites, with undisputed stone tools and fossil fauna at Gona, Ethiopia. Additionally, the evidence from the earliest archaeological sites at Gona shows that the earliest stone tool makers were skilled flintknappers and were able to select high quality stone raw materials. The possible reasons behind this seeming abrupt transition from the absence of stone tools to the presence thereof include sampling biases, paleogeographic influences, gaps in the geological record, paleoenvironmental change, and changes in the record of hominin evolution.Based on our observations at Gona, the earliest use of flaked stone tools is likely to be slightly older than 2.6 Ma. These stone tools represent a significant change in behavior that set the stage for subsequent hominin evolution. The paleogeographic and paleoenvironmental evidence points to the earliest use of stone tools in certain settings: usually (but not always) close to raw material sources, and ecotones between riparian woodlands and open grasslands. The earliest stone tool makers were proficient, selective, and flexible in their reduction strategies. The variability we see in Pliocene artifact assemblages has much to do with different raw material sources.

The phrase “Developed Oldowan” (DO) was originally coined by M. Leakey to describe a technologically “advanced Oldowan” artifact tradition, that preceded the Acheulian Industry. M. Leakey further identified three stages of the DO which she labeled as the DOA, DOB and DOC. The DO (sensu lato) has been generally recognized as transitional to the Acheulian, but the status of the DOB and the DOC remains unclear. In addition to a lack of clarity in terms of classification, the DO also suffers from a lack of secure radiometric dates, even at Olduvai where it was first identified. Despite such shortcomings, archaeologists still assign assemblages into the DO, as supposedly “intermediate” or transitional between the Oldowan and the Acheulian. However, a closer look at the DO assemblages from Olduvai Gorge and other sites in Africa and the Middle East shows that the artifacts assigned into this tradition are not technologically drastically different from the preceding Oldowan. Probably the flaking characteristics of the raw material types (e.g., quartzite and limestone, and to a lesser extent basalt) and the original shape of the cobbles used by hominins may have played a major role in the final shape of the “distinctive” artifact types (such as spheroids/subspheroids) used for assigning assemblages into the DO. Further, both the DOB and the Acheulian appeared ˜1.7 million years ago (Ma) in the archaeological record, making it unlikely that the DO is a transitional artifact tradition that preceded the Acheulian. Our preliminary evaluation of the archaeological record at Gona, Ethiopia and elsewhere suggests a fairly abrupt appearance of the Acheulian after a temporally rapid transition from the Oldowan.

Laetoli, a paleoanthropological site in Northern Tanzania, is perhaps best known for its famous fossil hominid footprints that were discovered by Mary Leakey and her co-workers in 1978. The site not only preserves the hominid footprints but also trackways, which provide a snapshot of Pliocene faunal communities from East Africa and their inferred environments. Unlike the hominid footprints at site G, which have received tremendous attention, the animal trackways, especially at Localities 7, 8 and 10 have been neglected and are fast disappearing. In this paper, we discuss animal tracks at a newly discovered exposure and provide preliminary data on the tracks at this exposure and other sites. We also discuss the importance of the animal trackways as ecological indicators, which we have investigated as part of ongoing research and conservation efforts initiated by the Tanzania Field School in Paleoanthropology and the Associated Colleges of the Midwest (ACM) Tanzania Semester Abroad programs.

The relationship between artifact manufacture, use, and discard in the Developed Oldowan is complex. Here we use digital-image-analysis techniques to investigate the intensity of reduction in single-platform cores of the Developed Oldowan of the Okote Member, Koobi Fora Formation. Data suggest that this method provides a more accurate measure of reduction intensity than previous applications of a unifacial-scraper model. Assemblages of single-platform cores excavated from extensive lateral exposures of the Okote Member provide insights into the relationship between raw-material availability and discard patterns. Variation in reduction intensity suggests that tools are not always discarded in patterns that would be predicted by the availability of raw material. Further, it appears that hominin transport decisions involved an assessment of the potential use-life of certain forms. Many aspects of Developed Oldowan technology conform to previously developed models of curated technologies. (C) 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved

In this study, patterns of prehistoric trepanation in the southern highlands of Peru were examined through an analysis of 11 Cuzco-region burial sites. Trepanations were found in 66 individuals, with several individuals exhibiting more than one trepanation, for a total of 109 perforations observed. The predominant methods used were circular cutting and scraping-methods that proved highly successful with an overall 83% survival rate and little ensuing infection. Survival rates showed a significant increase over time, apparently reflecting improvements in trepanation technique through experimentation and practical experience. Practitioners avoided certain areas of the cranium and employed methods that reduced the likelihood of damage to the cerebral meninges and venous sinuses. In many cases, trepanation as a medical treatment appears to have been prompted by cranial trauma, a finding that corroborates other studies pointing to cranial trauma as a primary motivation for the surgical procedure.

Reconstruction of early Pleistocene hominin carcass acquisition and processing behaviors are necessarily based at least in part on butchered fossil bones. This paper provides zooarchaeological and taphonomic analyses and behavioral interpretations of three similar to 1.5 million-year-old archaeofaunas from areas 1A and 103 in the Okote Member of the Koobi Fora Formation, northern Kenya: FwJj14A, FwJj14B, and GaJi14. These sites are all located in similar paleoenvironmental contexts, near shallow water with swampy, seasonally flooded areas, and some evidence for more wooded or gallery forest settings. Both individual specimen- and assemblage-level analyses of butchery-marked bones indicate that the hominins appear to have practiced similar butchery strategies at all of these sites, with butchery (defleshing, disarticulation, and marrow extraction) of both high- and low-ranked skeletal elements with no apparent preference for prey size, skeletal region, limb class, or limb portion. Only four tooth-marked specimens, including one likely crocodile-tooth-marked bone, are preserved in all three archaeofaunas. A paucity of limb epiphyses suggests that bone-crunching hyenids may have deleted these portions subsequent to hominin butchery. Strangely, there are no stone tools preserved with the 292 cut-marked and 27 percussion-marked faunal specimens (out of a total of 6,039 specimens), suggesting that raw material availability may have conditioned hominin lithic discard patterns at these locales. These assemblages increase our knowledge of the dietary behavior and ecology of Homo erectus, and provide support for variability in early Pleistocene hominin carcass foraging patterns. (C) 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.