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The Great Industrial War, a comprehensive assessment of how class has been interpreted by the media in American history, documents the rise and fall of a frightening concept: industrial war. Moving beyond the standard account of labor conflict as struggles between workers and management, Troy Rondinone asks why Americans viewed big strikes as "battles" in "irrepressible conflict" between the armies of capital and laborùa terrifying clash between workers, strikebreakers, police, and soldiers.Examining how the mainstream press along with the writings of a select group of influential reformers and politicians framed strike news, Rondinone argues that the Civil War, coming on the cusp of a revolution in industrial productivity, offered a gruesome, indelible model for national conflict. He follows the heated discourse on class war through the nineteenth century until its general dissipation in the mid-twentieth century. Incorporating labor history, cultural studies, linguistic anthropology, and sociology, The Great Industrial War explores the influence of historical experience on popular perceptions of social order and class conflict and provides a reinterpretation of the origins and meaning of the Taft-Hartley Act and the industrial relations regime it supported. copyright © 2010 by Troy Rondinone All rights reserved.

The Mencius contains several negative remarks about the Mohists and their doctrine of 'universal love' (jian'ai). However, little attention has been paid to whether Mencius' descriptions of Mohism were accurate. Fortunately, there is a surviving record of the beliefs of Mozi in the text that bears his name. In this essay, I analyze this text and descriptions of Mohism from other early Chinese texts, and compare them to the criticisms of Mohism in the Mencius. Ultimately, I show that the image of the Mohists as ones who promoted a doctrine that contradicted filial piety was inaccurate, and obscured the complexities of filial piety in the Warring States period. © 2011 Taylor and Francis.

When Ella Tambussi Grasso ran for governor of Connecticut in 1974, she had not lost an election since she was first voted into the state's General Assembly in 1952. The people of Connecticut chose her as the nation's first woman to be elected governor in her own right-the capstone of a long and successful career dedicated to public service, effective government, and the democratic process. During her tenure as governor, Grasso's leadership was tested in the face of fiscal problems, state layoffs, and budget shortfalls. The daughter of Italian immigrants, she endeared herself to her constituents during the great Blizzard of 1978, when she stayed at the State Armory around the clock to direct emergency operations and make frequent television appearances. Author Jon E. Purmont, who served as Grasso's executive assistant when she was governor, draws on his diary from that time, research in Grasso's archives, and interviews with Grasso's family and friends to give us a rich and intimate portrait of this political pioneer. © 2012 Jon E. Purmont. All rights reserved.

Friday Night Fighter relives a lost moment in American postwar history, when boxing ruled as one of the nation's most widely televised sports. During the 1950s and 1960s, viewers tuned in weekly, sometimes even daily, to watch widely-recognized fighters engage in primordial battle, with the Gillette Cavalcade of Sports Friday Night Fights being the most popular fight show. Troy Rondinone follows the dual narratives of the Friday Night Fights show and the individual story of Gaspar "Indio" Ortega, a boxer who appeared on primetime network television more than almost any other boxer in history. From humble beginnings growing up poor in Tijuana, Mexico, Ortega personified the phenomenon of postwar boxing at its greatest, appearing before audiences of millions to battle the biggest names of the time, such as Carmen Basilio, Tony DeMarco, Chico Vejar, Benny "Kid" Paret, Emile Griffith, Kid Gavilan, Florentino Fernández, and Luis Manuel Rodriguez.--(Source of description unspecified.)

In 1675, John Ogilby produced his road atlas with strip maps which not only arrived with fanfare, but spawned several more publications that aimed to be user-friendly. As with many maps and atlases from the London printing trade, the objectives were to serve consumers, acquire a piece of the market, and have an outlet for a new edition. Across the Channel, however, the road network of France, as with other public works, was not only state-directed but a tool of state power. Not until nearly one hundred years later did Claude-Sidoine Michel and Louis-Charles Desnos produce L'Indicateur Fidele, which provided strip maps for merchants, navigators, and travelers. This publication emerged out of the French national mapping project directed by the Cassini family. In the interim, while French map makers produced maps with an appeal to serving the state, they, like their London contemporaries, also hoped to maintain a thriving business and attract an audience, often through the traditional French social institution of patronage. The purpose of this comparative study of (post) road maps and atlases of England and France is to investigate the role of the government and the publishing trade in the production of these works. © 2016 University of Toronto Press.

The ship wherein Theseus and the youth of Athens returned from Crete had thirty oars, and was preserved by the Athenians down even to the time of Demetrius Phalereus, for they took away the old planks as they decayed, putting in new and stronger timber in their place, in so much that this ship became a standing example among the philosophers, for the logical question of things that grow; one side holding that the ship remained the same, and the other contending that it was not the same. © 2016 by The New England Quarterly. All rights reserved.

As the targets of numerous campaigns, intellectuals have sustained mental torment and physical suffering on a large scale. Like the deprivation of human rights for biological and genetic reasons in other lands or other ages, Chinese intellectuals were destined to suffer abridgement of their human rights in the People’s Republic of China for political and ideological reasons. The term “intellectuals” refers to all those who have had a middle school/higher education and those with similar educational levels. Included in the ranks of intellectuals were members of the so-called democratic parties. These people, never large in number, were mostly well educated and well known in intellectual circles. The Cultural Revolution will be long remembered by intellectuals not only as a period of continued mental torment from the earlier days, but more particularly as a period of the most cruel physical abuses in human history. Intellectuals, deprived of their most precious human rights, continue to exist in mainland China as an underclass. © 1988 by Taylor & Francis. All rights reserved.

In 1966, Mao Zedong launched the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in a last attempt to remake China in his image. He believed that the country was led by a party infested from the top on down with “capitalist-roaders” who had betrayed the proletarian goals of true socialism by following the bourgeois line. Denied support in the power structure, Mao sought help from the outside, mobilizing millions of high school and college students as the “Red Guards” to strike down his enemy in an unprecedented campaign that left the nation nearly paralyzed. Red Guard organizations of confusing ideological persuasions soon proliferated throughout the country, and the whole movement quickly got out of control and degenerated into total chaos. That the Red Guards were used by Mao as a tool in the ideologically based power struggle within the party is not only the consensus of most observers but also has been freely admitted by many former Red Guards. © 1988 by Taylor & Francis. All rights reserved.

Many former Red Guards who through the Cultural Revolution were encouraged to participate in unrestrained violence, saw the seamy side of the regime as a result and were themselves eventually suppressed and reached the conclusion that the system was corrupt and had to be changed. Former Red Guards who turned political activists varied greatly in their often vaguely defined outlooks and their intensity of commitment and activity. Wei Jingsheng, China’s most celebrated Red Guard-turned dissident, related a similar experience in an unfinished autobiographical account written before his arrest and smuggled out of the country in 1980. Many former Red Guards understandably see a silver lining in the destructive rampage they committed during the height of the Cultural Revolution. The Red Guard movement has come full circle. The human rights tragedy of the movement is threefold. In the first stage, the Red Guards were Mao’s “little generals” trampling on the human rights of their victims. © 1988 by Taylor & Francis. All rights reserved.