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Race has long shaped shopping experiences for many Americans. Retail exchanges and establishments have made headlines as flashpoints for conflict not only between blacks and whites, but also between whites, Mexicans, Asian Americans, and a wide variety of other ethnic groups, who have at times found themselves unwelcome at white-owned businesses. Race and Retail documents the extent to which retail establishments, both past and present, have often catered to specific ethnic and racial groups. Using an interdisciplinary approach, the original essays collected here explore selling and buying practices of nonwhite populations around the world and the barriers that shape these habits, such as racial discrimination, food deserts, and gentrification. The contributors highlight more contemporary issues by raising questions about how race informs business owners’ ideas about consumer demand, resulting in substandard quality and higher prices for minorities than in predominantly white neighborhoods. In a wide-ranging exploration of the subject, they also address revitalization and gentrification in South Korean and Latino neighborhoods in California, Arab and Turkish coffeehouses and hookah lounges in South Paterson, New Jersey, and tourist capoeira consumption in Brazil. Race and Retail illuminates the complex play of forces at work in racialized retail markets and the everyday impact of those forces on minority consumers. The essays demonstrate how past practice remains in force in subtle and not-so-subtle ways.
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Walter Benjamin’s observation that fascism turns politics into aesthetics is, by now, a well-worn idea. This article argues that Benjamin’s critique of politics can apply just as much to the modern democratic politics of the United States. Borrowing from Benjamin, Jürgen Habermas, and Carl Schmitt, this article suggests that modern political discourse in the United States does not follow the classical liberal ideal of rational discourse in the marketplace of ideas within the public sphere. Instead, contemporary politics has become spectacle where images and slogans replace thought and debate in a 24/7 news cycle and political infotainment programs. The result is that progressives and conservatives have their own political “ecospheres” which enable them to have their own perspective reinforced, and debate is replaced by straw man arguments and personal attacks.
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The chapter traces the development of Orthodoxy by focusing on the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople and the Russian Orthodox Church in the early modern period. It is based on the premise that in both cases Orthodoxy faced three main challenges: imperial/political, intellectual, and financial. In both the Ottoman and the Russian empires, the Orthodox Church played important roles in the political, administrative, cultural, economic, ideological, and social lives of the Orthodox believers. Orthodoxy usually provided legitimizing ideological support to state authority, was forced to reckon with Western cultural and theological trends, and also proactively defended its economic interests. For most of the period, the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Russian Orthodox Church maintained constant contacts, even in the face of mutual suspicions of each other’s motives. The chapter argues that early modern Orthodoxy proved adaptive, developed over time, and withstood the challenges it faced, ultimately keeping its symbolic capital largely intact.
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